Paul Westerberg/
Looking Up in Heaven
The former leader of the Replacements owns
no computer. He doesn't do email. And he
famously hates answering machines. So
what's he think about technology in music?
Paul on file-sharing: "Anything that leaves my
house ends up traded or sold. Solt
I figure
once it's out the door that's where it's going."
Paul on ProTools: "Now that everybody has
the capacity to make a perfect record, it
seems redundant to make one. A lot of great
rock and roll is not recorded properly or well.
heed that."
Paul on fan sites: "It's a gathering place for
people I don't want to talk to. I want to see
fans at shows."
Paul on if he'll ever embrace technology:
"I like wood and dirt." - T.G.
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Chuck D with Fine Arts Militia/
No Meaning No
Caught, now in court 'cause I stole a beat
This is a sampling sport
But I'm giving it a new name
What you hear is mine
Chuck D's take on sampling hasn't changed
since he rapped those words in Public Enemy
years ago. "If you're taking bits of music
and organizing them in a way that makes
the result a distinctly personal creation,
then I don't feel that you're infringing on
copyright," he says. These days, in addition
to PE, Chuck raps with Fine Arts Militia.
And so the question must be asked: With
the tables turned, will FAM balk if their
work is sampled and reworked? "No," says
Chuck. "Sound should be considered up
for grabs." - E.S.
much soy. When I explain this to farmers,
they go nuts."
This analysis goes a long way toward
explaining why the Lula government loves
free software. Brazil's national IT policy
these days can more or less be reduced to
two words: Linux roolz. The prime directive
of the federal Institute for Information Tech-
nology is to promote the adoption of free
software throughout the government and
ultimately the nation. Ministries and schools
are migrating their offices to open source
systems. And within the government's "digi-
tal inclusion" programs - aimed at bringing
computer access to the 80 percent of Brazil-
ians who have none - GNU/Linux is the rule.
It's one thing for a business to switch from
Windows to Linux. It's quite another for a
whole country. "We're not just discussing
one product as opposed to another here -
Ford versus Fiat," says Sérgio Amadeu da
Silveira, the institute's director. "We're talk-
ing about different models of development."
And it's here that the argument takes a
peculiarly Brazilian turn - because a model
of development is, of course, more than a
formula for increasing GDP. The develop-
ment path a country chooses tells you not
just about its economic sensibility but about
the culture it envisions for itself. And Brazil
has in its 500 years of existence evolved
some curious - and curiously prescient-
notions about how culture should work.
cannibals as symbolic role models for all
of his country's cultural practitioners. Four
decades later, his argument inspired a pair
of hyperarticulate pop stars named Caetano
Veloso and Gilberto Gil. Veloso and Gil
formed the core of tropicalismo - a very '60s
attempt to capture the chaotic, swirling feel
of Brazil's perennially uneven moderniza-
tion, its jumble of wealth and poverty, of
rural and urban, of local and global. For the
tropicalistas, as for Andrade, there was only
one way to thrive in the midst of so much
contrast: You couldn't flinch from what was
alien to you. You couldn't slavishly imitate it,
either. You simply had to swallow it whole.
Brazil's IT czar attacked Microsoft's
tactics as a “drug dealer practice” a
"Trojan horse” Mr. Bill went to court.
In 1556, not long after the Portuguese first
set foot in Brazil, the Bishop Pero Fernandes
Sardinha was shipwrecked on its shores and
set about introducing the gospel of Christ to
the native "heathens." The locals, impressed
with the glorious civilization the bishop rep-
resented and eager to absorb it in its total-
ity, promptly ate him.
Thus was born Brazilian culture. Or so
wrote the modernist Brazilian poet Oswald
de Andrade, whose interpretation of the
incident in a 1928 manifesto exalted the
What this meant, in practice, was a musi-
cal approach that turned the quiet, seamless
sophistication of early-'60s bossa nova
inside out, opening its hungry mouth to
any and every sort of influence, including
that most un-
Brazilian of pop forms, rock.
Tropicalismo, as Veloso puts it, "was a bit
shocking. We came up with new things that
involved electric guitars, violent poetry, bad
taste, traditional Brazilian music, Catholic
Mass, pop, kitsch, tango, Caribbean things,
rock and roll, and also our avant-garde, so-
called serious music." They cut and pasted
styles with an abandon that, amid today's
sample-happy music scene, sounds up-to-
the-minute - and largely accounts for the
fact that early tropicalista records have in
the past 10 years become hipster classics
in the US and Europe.
More than a sound, though, tropicalismo
was an attitude. It was, in Gil's words, "no
longer a mere submission to the forces of
economic imperialism, but a cannibalistic
response of swallowing what they gave us,
processing it, and making it something new
and different. We saw the cultivating of new
habits and manners from the outside as a
way of nourishing ourselves, not just intoxi-
cating ourselves."
The military dictatorship that ran Brazil at
the time saw it differently, however. "It was