04. A Country in Conflict? Monarchy, Clergy, and the Liberal Movement
1848: Revolution in Luxembourg - An Exhibition by the National Archives and the Chamber of Deputies of Luxembourg
At the start of his reign, William II appears open to liberal freedoms. However, the 1841 Constitution he grants Luxembourg contradicts this, reinforcing monarchical authority.
To deviate in no way from the existing order, regardless of its origin; to undertake changes only when they appear absolutely necessary, and to carry them out with complete freedom and after thorough deliberation: this is the foremost duty of a government that seeks to withstand the misfortunes of the age.
Such a resolution, however just and natural it may be, will inevitably give rise.
Translated from: Fürst Metternich in einem Brief an den badischen Gesandten am österreichischen Hof vom 4. April 1820
Administration and Centralization of Power
The Monarchical Constitution: Power Preservation over Civil Rights (1841) by William IIChambre des Députés, Grand-Duché de Luxembourg
The 1841 Constitution omits the civil liberties found in the Belgian Constitution. It makes no mention of the Grand Duke’s rights and duties, allowing William II to rule with absolute power until 1848.
William II establishes a new institution: the Chancellery. The Constitution simply states: "In the usual residence of the King-Grand Duke, a Chancellery shall be established for Luxembourg’s affairs, under the direction of a State Chancellor."
Frédéric Georges Prosper Baron de Blochausen: the Moderate Orangist Caught Between Monarch and Reform (1820-1850) by UnknownChambre des Députés, Grand-Duché de Luxembourg
Frédéric Georges Prosper Baron de Blochausen (1802-1886)
In 1841, de Blochausen is appointed Chancellor.
In 1845, Chancellor de Blochausen introduces a law banning thatched roofs due to fire hazards. Poorer citizens, unable to afford slate roofs, quietly resist. De Blochausen earns the nickname de Léendecker (the Roofer).
William II appoints a five-member governing council for Luxembourg, led by a governor.
Gaspard Théodore Ignace de la Fontaine (1787-1871)
The pro-Orange, conservative politician – also known as a practicing Freemason – becomes the first governor.
By appointing de la Fontaine, William II signals continuity and loyalty to the monarchy. Conservative values and restricted suffrage dominate politics.
Voting — Only for the Wealthy
Deputies are elected by electors organized in "Cantonal Electoral Colleges." Only those paying at least ten guilders in taxes can vote. William II appoints the first deputies; elections follow in 1845.
Constitutions grounded in the Estates system rest upon the natural foundation of a well-ordered civil society, wherein the relations and rights of the estates have arisen from the peculiar position of the classes and corporations upon which they depend, and have, over time, been modified by law – without infringement of the sovereign's essential rights.
Translated from: Friedrich Gentz, Über den Unterschied zwischen landständischen und Repräsentativ-Verfassungen, 1819
Belgium as a Model? Political Freedoms in Contrast
Many Luxembourg notables are frustrated: between 1831 and 1839, some enjoyed Belgium’s political freedoms. They now look longingly to Belgium and its National Assembly. The so-called progressive liberals demand more political participation – without questioning the census suffrage.
The Belgian National Congress (1831-1865) by UnknownChambre des Députés, Grand-Duché de Luxembourg
Belgium’s census suffrage excludes many from voting, but unlike Luxembourg, its elected representatives actively shape national decisions.
First Fractures of Authority
Yet, the deputies are not mere puppets of the ruler. Meeting records reveal efforts to expand the assembly’s powers.
The Right to Petition
Mass petitions led to the Belgian Revolution, so Luxembourg’s Constitution omits the right to petition. In 1842, deputies try to reintroduce it via procedural rules but fail.
On 25 November 1842, during a debate on the salaries of justices of the peace and court clerks, the Estates prevailed over the government. The latter lost the vote on the first ballot.
Emerging Camps: Liberals Against Conservatives
By the 1840s, Luxembourg’s political landscape splits between liberals and conservatives. Liberals demand more representation, while conservatives, led by Governor de la Fontaine, prioritize preserving social order.
Power and the Masonic Connection
Square and compass – symbols of Freemasonry – also represent the 1803 – founded lodge Les Enfans de la Concorde Fortifiée, where debates range from radical democracy to conservatism.
In 1848, the military lodge Espérance is founded in Echternach by Charles Munchen, a former Les Enfans de la Concorde Fortifiée member, joined by officers of the federal contingent.
Luxembourg’s Masonic lodge unites members from various social and religious backgrounds. Governor de la Fontaine’s membership reflects its deep ties to political power.
Édouard Aschman (1820-1881)
At 27, poor doctor Édouard Aschman joins the lodge in 1847. He supports social progress but rejects universal suffrage, doubting the lower classes’ political maturity.
Charles Théodore André (1822-1883)
Young lawyer Charles Théodore André, a staunch liberal, earns the nickname de rouden André (Red André) for his push for social reforms.
Samuel Hirsch (1815-1889)
Rabbi Samuel Hirsch is also a Freemason.
Power Struggle over the Church’s Influence
Liberals unite in their opposition to clerical influence, solidified with the appointment of ultramontane Vicar Jean-Théodore Laurent and his reforms.
Laurent is appointed Apostolic Vicar in 1841. That same year, the Constitution calls for reforms in the education system. A draft law submitted in 1842 becomes, by 1843, a test of strength (English version of the video) between Laurent, William II, and liberals advocating for state control.
While liberals oppose growing clerical influence, Laurent finds support among Catholic bourgeoisie and the King-Grand Duke.
Charles-Gérard Eyschen (1800-1859)
A devout Catholic, Charles-Gérard Eyschen stands firmly by Laurent’s side. In 1844, he supports the Catholic Luxemburger Zeitung, and in 1848, he becomes one of the founders of Luxemburger Wort. He views the Church as a moral authority and a bulwark against the liberal spirit of the age.
Michel Jonas (1822-1884)
Among the supporters of the Apostolic Vicar is lawyer Michel Jonas. In 1848, he co-founds the Catholic Action Committee with Bernard Ambrosy, Jean-Philippe-Christophe Wurth, Charles-Gérard Eyschen, and Jean-Mathias Neumann.
A staunch ultramontanist, Laurent enjoys popular support due to his commitment to social issues. In 1846, he denounces the arbitrariness of factory owners in regulating Sunday work. In 1847, he calls for greater charitable action in response to a major crisis.
The divide between liberals and the Vicar deepens.
Common front of the government and the "opposition" against the Apostolic Vicar (03.12.1845) by Courrier du Grand-Duché de LuxembourgChambre des Députés, Grand-Duché de Luxembourg
Government and Liberal Opposition Join Forces
The liberal Courrier du Grand-Duché de Luxembourg reveals a denunciation targeting teacher Barreau. Without naming Laurent, the article suggests his involvement – and manages to bypass censorship.
The dispute over the funeral of Freemason Gellé becomes a political catalyst: in 1847, the refusal of a religious burial sparks outrage among the liberal bourgeoisie. Tensions escalate. De Blochausen and de la Fontaine join forces to strip the vicar of royal support.
The ecclesiastical rejection of Freemasons (22.02.1848) by Jean-Théodore LaurentChambre des Députés, Grand-Duché de Luxembourg
Clash Between Laurent and the Freemasons
In his 1848 Lenten pastoral letter, Apostolic Vicar Laurent warns against the influence of Freemasons. He portrays them as enemies of the Church who lead the people astray – a key theme of ultramontane rhetoric.
Under Church Pressure: Exits from the Lodges
Between 1848 and the 1850s, many members leave the lodge Les Enfans de la Concorde fortifiée. Resignation letters held in the diocesan archives reveal the significant influence of the Catholic Church in these decisions.
The Reign of Censorship under William II
Until 1848, William II wields absolute power and enforced strict censorship. From 1843 onward, he takes a harder line, especially after tensions with the Dutch press. Under Austrian and Prussian pressure, he tightens media repression to suppress liberal demands for political participation.
Watching the Press, Shielding the Vicar
A letter from royal cabinet director Van Rappard to Chancellor de Blochausen reveals William II’s influence: he monitors the Luxembourg press and ensures the protection of the Apostolic Vicar.
An Independent Government Newspaper? (English version of the video) William II personally blocks the initiative—through his cabinet director.
Pre-censored
In 1846, Chancellor de Blochausen presents the king with a brochure banned in Prussia, aiming to extend the ban to Luxembourg. A clear sign: control over publications is being systematically reinforced.
Signs of increasing censorship (26.03.1846) by Frédéric Georges Prosper Baron de BlochausenChambre des Députés, Grand-Duché de Luxembourg
Shortly before 1848, stricter censorship rules were set out in 19 articles and approved by William II.
In 1848, Luxembourg stands at a crossroads: liberals and catholics demand political participation, while the monarchy clings to conservative control. What if William II chooses the path of greater freedom?
This is how it continues: 05. Power to the People? The Uprising and Its Limits
Click here to access the overview of the 10 stories from the exhibition “1848: Revolution in Luxembourg”.
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